Because of neighborhood with Tehran as capital city, Qom was as a shelter and sanctuary for the various political personalities of Qajar period and however had no importance for political situation but held prominent station because of the presence of the hazrat-e Ma'soumah holy shrine (salamollah alayha) and centrality of shia clergymen. Thereupon, Qom changed to main point against Qajar autarchy, during CONSTITUTIONAL Revolution and migration of clergymen to this city.The presence of clergy scholars in Qom due to coming and going of the political figures and remit of variant telegraphs between Tehran and Qom and increased people's complaint against residential landlords and influentials significant injustice and the people's confrontation against these cruel dictators of whom one was "Motawallibashi". Also implementation of oration against the Qajar reign in the hazrat-e Ma'soumah holy shrine was the most important event at that time that played an effective role for development of Iranian people in contrast to obsolutism and the establishment of CONSTITUTIONAL (Mashrooteh) system.After distributing of CONSTITUTIONAL ordinance Qom people continued to their political participation like too many of the country provinces and they formed multiple of syndicates and political societies that had many effects on social and political evolutions of this city after their own deputy selection in the assembly.

After the disintegration of Talesh soil by the Russians during the reign of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar, that remained the southern part of the Gilan province, were divided to the five districts which named Kargan Rud, Asalem, Talshedula, Shanderman and Masall, they were called “ Khamseh Tavalesh” and the leadership of its districts was transferred to five dynasties of local Khans. The ruler of Kargan Rud was Nusrat-ollah Khan(sardar amjad), during the CONSTITUTIONALism period. The period of the Sardar Amjad`s leadership has been marked as one of the darkest periods in the history of the Talesh due to oppress the unprecedented of the people. Under such condition, in spite of the peasants of Talesh had the background of the rebellion and the oppressive morals and part of the community were not immune from the ruler of khan, they were susceptible and disposed opportunities for rebelling and rioting. The occurrence of social revolutions on the eve of the twentieth century was the culmination of the Russian Social-Democracy MOVEMENT in the Neighborhood of Gilan and Tavalesh, and its join with the centers of liberalism in Gilan and the beginning of the anti-authoritarian uprisings in Iran, which was gradually called the CONSTITUTIONALism revolution, the people of Talesh also stand up and their struggles against the Khan`s oppression and his local supporters and Russian have made join with CONSTITUTIONALism.

With the victory of the CONSTITUTIONAL revolution the CONSTITUTIONALists did extensive propaganda among Maku villagers to draw them to their side. This propaganda, which was centered on the end of lord-serf relations, became effective and a big rebellion was formed in the Maku villages against the owners and landlords. The following article is based on these two questions: firstly, what were the causes and grounds for the formation of this MOVEMENT? Secondly: What were the consequences of this MOVEMENT? By using the data of publications, archival documents and historical books, and with descriptive-analytical method, the main topics of the article will be discussed. The result of this research shows that the unfair lord-serf relations in Maku and the dominance of the Bayat poets over the lives of the peasants, along with the widespread propaganda of the CONSTITUTIONALists among the villagers, were important factors in the formation of this MOVEMENT. The confiscation of Khanin's properties, the establishment of village associations and the expulsion of Iqbal al-Saltaneh from Maku were among the most important consequences of this MOVEMENT. Also, although the CONSTITUTIONALists of the state of Azerbaijan were the driving force of this MOVEMENT, they did not provide any support to the Mako peasants in the continuation of the work, and this caused Iqbal al-Saltaneh to severely suppress the Mako peasant MOVEMENT with the broad support of the autocrats, and the lord-serf system in the villages more severely. established

One of the internal intellectual fields of the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT of schools, among these schools, we can mention the Rushdieh school, which was founded by one of the intellectuals of the Qajar period, Mirza Hasan Rushdieh, with the influence of the Akhtar newspaper in Tabriz, in a new way, which played an important role. In informing the people before the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. During the Qajar period, he demanded a legal government in order to inform the people by spreading new knowledge, and in this way, with the cooperation of intellectuals and cultural friends of his time, he started a hard fight against the illiteracy and tyranny of the Qajar government, and in this way, he endured all the hardships and difficulties. And finally succeeded. The purpose of this research is to deal with the social-cultural role of Rushdieh School in the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. The research question is, what role did Rushdieh School play in the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT? The research method is historical, descriptive-analytical. The method of collecting information is library and document review, and in the library review, the first-hand sources written about Rushdieh School are given priority and are the main sources of research. The findings and results of the research are the cultural-social role of Rushdieh School in informing the people and also the role of this school in the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT.

Introduction: Iranian society in the Qajar era (1789-1925) was a kind of authoritarian society. Women in this society were subjected to severe gender oppression. They were deprived of many basic rights (e.g., the right to education, the right to choose, and the freedom of marriage). After the victory of the CONSTITUTIONAL revolution (1906), political despotism in Iran was weakened. The victory of the CONSTITUTIONAL revolution also strengthened civil society. One of the signs of the strengthening of civil society in Iran was the spread of new social MOVEMENTs such as the women's MOVEMENT. In fact, the women's MOVEMENT in Iran emerged after the victory of the CONSTITUTIONAL revolution. The MOVEMENT established newspapers to raise women's awareness. In this way, it succeeded in promoting the idea of gender justice in society. The MOVEMENT also tried to work in an organized way by establishing women's associations. The women's MOVEMENT in the CONSTITUTIONAL era pursued various demands. They sought to combat the patriarchal discourse in society. The main concern of women's struggles in the CONSTITUTIONAL era was the pursuit of equal rights with men and gender equality in various fields. The aim of this study is to identify and analyze the main demands of Iranian women in the CONSTITUTIONAL era (1906-1925). In this article, we also answer the question: what did women's demands achieve in the CONSTITUTIONAL era?Method: In this study, the activities of Iranian women in the CONSTITUTIONAL era were examined using a combination of historical primary sources and historical secondary sources from the CONSTITUTIONAL era. By primary sources, in this article, we mean sources and documents recorded by people who lived during the CONSTITUTIONAL period. Books, newspapers, documents, and surviving memoirs of people who lived during the CONSTITUTIONAL era fall into this category. Secondary sources also include various books and analytical sources written based on primary sources from the CONSTITUTIONAL era. This study has attempted to use primary sources as much as possible in its investigation. However, in some cases it has also used historical secondary sources to supplement the information.Finding: The results of this study show that women faced a type of systematic gender discrimination during the CONSTITUTIONAL era. This gender discrimination extended to all spheres, from the home to society. Girls were not allowed to go to school; because going to school was only the right of boys. They were not allowed to oppose their husbands' polygamy or their daughters being married off as children because the home was dominated by men. Social traditions also supported men. On the other hand, women had no right to participate in political elections because the right to vote was only for men. Political participation was only the right of men and women had no right to political participation. Therefore, in the CONSTITUTIONAL era, the women's MOVEMENT began a historical struggle for social change in three different areas: 1. "Struggle for women's right to education"; 2. "Struggle to change family laws"; and 3. "Struggle for the right to vote and political participation."Conclusion: In the CONSTITUTIONAL era, the women's MOVEMENT achieved its first demand (i.e., women's right to education). From that point on, girls were able to go to school. The women were not able to achieve their next two demands. But they also worked hard on these two demands. By spreading the idea of gender equality in various newspapers, the women were able to create the social framework for the realization of these demands in the following years. Thanks to the women's efforts, the first law on family and marriage was finally passed in Iran a few years after the CONSTITUTIONAL Revolution and at the beginning of the first Pahlavi's reign (1928). However, women struggled even longer for the right to vote and participate in politics. Finally, women's suffrage was adopted in 1963. These cases show that the women's MOVEMENT in Iran has been able to achieve different goals in each historical period. With each goal achieved, they focus their efforts on new goals. For this reason, this MOVEMENT continues.

Lack of identified farmers’ resources at the national level and the difficulties of organizing them in sporadic villages of Iran caused the farmers not to participate as a social class in the course of the CONSTITUTIONAL Revolution, but during the CONSTITUTIONALism, a number of the farmers’ MOVEMENTs took place in some regions of the country. Gilan province was one of the regions whose farmers were involved seriously, almost throughout the region, in the struggle against landowners. The farmers performed various actions to challenge against the landowners during the MOVEMENT and got benefit from different political groups and parties such as Ejtemā ‘ iyun (the ordinary people), Amiyun (volgur people), Abbasi society and the Social Democrats of Gilan province. The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate, through application of the descriptive– analytic method, the research problem here which is the farmers’ struggle against the landowners during the MOVEMENT, with regard to the political parties’ supports and based on the historical resources and some published newspapers of the CONSTITUTIONAL era. The findings of the research suggest that the farmers during different stages of the MOVEMENT did various actions such as not paying the landowners’ interest, disagreement with the property owners and sending them out of the villages, and the establishment of rural local societies. After two years of the farmers’ challenging with landowners, despite farmers’ temporary victories, due to lack of the support of the Majlis and state societies of Gilan province from the farmers, finally the farmers’ MOVEMENT got defeated and the “ Arbab-rayati” system was established once again in Gilan province.

By using the Communitarianism model, especially with the concept of tradition and rationality and its own good, we have tried to examine the contact and challenge of the left and the clergy, during the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT, in this article. In this paper, it is shown that, the contact and challenge of these traditions, through the fundamental concepts of both of them, made a new rationality that looks at the socio-political sphere, it has a undemocratic and centralist character, that, eventually, this rationality is made in developments and the context of events, leading to the emergence of dictatorship of Reza-Khan.

The present article seeks to explain the causes of CONSTITUTIONALism in Iran based on Crane Brinton's theory of revolution, using a combined approach and method, citing historical evidence, including historiographical sources, memoirs, travelogues, and the press. Brinton's theory of revolution is important because it examines the four great revolutions (France, Russia, Britain, and the United States). The method of the article is historical and theory has been used to explain the developments. Findings indicate that among the preliminary signs that Brinton considers in his theory of revolution, the components of "inefficiency of the government machine", and "change of allegiance of enlightened thinkers" have played a role in the occurrence of Iranian CONSTITUTIONALism. . The signs of "economic growth, " "class strife, " and "surprising failure to use force" did not conform to Iranian CONSTITUTIONALism, and contrary to Brinton's theory, the government and the people were in a difficult economic situation. There was no class conflict in the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT, and despite the violence in the Grand Mosque and the events leading up to Kobra's migration, due to the dominance of the negotiation process and the Shah's pressure and support for the CONSTITUTIONALists, it can be said that force was used in the Iranian CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. And there is no military force to suppress the protesters. The course of events of the MOVEMENT and its adaptation to Brinton's theory and the four great revolutions show that the Iranian CONSTITUTIONALism was not a revolution but a MOVEMENT.

Women's activism in the light of the discourse of CONSTITUTIONALism made them a committed and demanding group that entered the field of action for the ideals of CONSTITUTIONALism and challenged the dominant gender order. Methodologically, this research explains the aspects of women's mobilization in fundraising based on document analysis. The research problem is to clarify the agency of women in contemporary social history. The findings are presented and analyzed in five categories: practical goals, motivations, mechanisms, socio-economic base of participants, and strategies. Collecting donations to provide resources for the struggle of the CONSTITUTIONALists in the era of Minor Tyranny, helping the families of the deceased fighters in Tabriz and Ardabil, as well as accumulating initial capital for the establishment of the National Bank, have all been based on patriotic motives of women in the struggle to achieve independence and support the citizens. In addition, it is indicative of the formulation of agency and identity politics of female activists who got fed up with discriminatory gender relations and sought an opportunity for social participation in women’s mobilization. In the absence of jobs and independent income, women used tactics to obtain resources for mobilization. Furthermore, the participation of women from different social origins has given a cross-class dimension to the mobilization. Keywords: Nationalism, Women's MOVEMENT, Agency, Strategy, Social MOVEMENT.     Introduction The issue of women's activism in the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT has been pointed out straggly. In fact, before that and in the pre-modern world, gender relations were defined in terms of the private/public sphere. The model of the breadwinner with the indescribable historical dominance of men and women belonging to the private sector and without independent income to achieve maximum subordination to the male head of the household had public legitimacy. In this model, women were considered as the margin of power and were weak. Therefore, the changes in CONSTITUTIONALism were not only in the form of the form and creation of a parliament and democratic mechanism countering the ancient tradition of the kingdom, but more than that, the thought of Iranian people of their time, both men and women, uplifted.  The birth of women's press, associations, and schools is one of the most famous results of this progress, which was achieved through the efforts of patriotic women and men in the mid-term. And it was in such a way that the flow of women's demands continued as one of the consequences of the evolution of the discourse of power. In this regard, the issue of women's participation in collecting donations has generally been raised in the form of a few general quotes in some cases, and its dimensions, their strategies to achieve the goal, how to act collectively, and the characteristics of activists have never been considered. This research tries to answer these questions. Literature Review A review of the background of the research shows that although the subject of the women's MOVEMENT in the studies of Chamani, Hosni and Salim (1399), Chamani, Hosni and Salim (1400), Attarzadeh and Musfa (2004), Lorestani (2008) and the topic of the discourse evolution of women in the constitution in the studies Torabi (1395), Bastani et al. (1392), Omidi et al. (1392) and the issue of women in the CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT have been discussed in the study of Mir (1372), none of them have considered the issue of women's participation in collecting national donations. Even the famous books passed over this issue. Methodology In terms of methodology, the current research is based on documentary analysis. To do so, all accessible texts and letters written by women, as the self-expression report of women, have been reviewed.  Results Women's participation in fundraising has been done to achieve at least three goals: collecting donations with the aim of providing resources for the struggle of the CONSTITUTIONALists, helping the families of the deceased fighters in Tabriz and Ardabil, as well as accumulating initial capital for the establishment of the National Bank. Patriotism has been the most important motivation of women for this collective action. Furthermore, attention should be paid to the formulation and expression of identity politics through social activism as another main motivation. Regarding the mechanisms of women in collecting resources, it should be mentioned the cash and non-cash gifts for the national contribution as reflected in the press, in the form of cash and valuable items such as gold, jewelry, and watches. It should be mentioned that women from different socio-economic bases, including rich and poor, courtiers and deprived widows participated in this collective action. Conclusion Despite the importance of the issue of women's collective participation in fundraising, this issue is introduced in the male reading of history, small-scale, partial, and cross-sectional.  It can be concluded that Men's historiography, by reducing, neglecting, and trivializing the scope of this action, neglects the importance of this vast social group and as a result, fails to pay attention to the power of these forces in the collective actions of later stages. This participation has a cross-class aspect. Women from the upper class (belonging to the court and families of statesmen), the modern middle class (school principals, teachers, and students), and the lower class (workers and widows of destitute women) were present in this MOVEMENT. The deepening of the discussion shows that the tactics of women's collective action in itself have had important functions both as a part of a wider popular MOVEMENT, as a MOVEMENT in the direction of the historical MOVEMENT of women, and as a MOVEMENT to mobilize men for patriotic purposes. While women were historically limited to the private sphere, women's activism in mobilizing donations and their participation for this purpose in the public sphere was a challenge to the dominant gender order. Showcasing and highlighting women's potential to mobilize resources has been one of the most important functions of women's participation in the collective action of fundraising.

In the preceding years to CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT in Iran, the political thought was transferred from independent monarchy to CONSTITUTIONAL monarchy due to the inability to govern the country. Therefore, the participation of people in public affairs was the ultimate way to survival and progression of the country in the CONSTITUTIONAList thought. Moreover, the community and public (species) were recognized in debates. With respect to the advent of such unit, demand for participation in such generic, public unit was recognized. With the awakening and awareness of the public, the demand for participation in “ the legislation and governance of respublica” was increased, being set as a “ right and share” . In the aforementioned period of Iran’ s CONSTITUTIONALism, and with respect to the advent of such new issue, a special category of law named Public Law was introduced as a new public law in Iran. In the present study, after explaining the first sign of advent of public and genre, and demand for participation in generic and public affairs, development of the concept was investigated as the origin of Public Law in Iran.